Why Do People Neglect Maintenance?

This post is by The Maintainers Co-Directors Andy, Jess, and Lee

A big part of our job involves talking to other people about maintenance and how both maintenance and the lives of Maintainers can be improved in our culture today. Over time, we’ve noticed that different people tend to offer different explanations for why neglect of maintenance is so common. We thought we’d collect these explanations in one place – both for our own use and to get feedback from others.

In this post, we highlight eight factors that lead individuals and organizations to neglect maintenance. Nearly all of these factors influence each other in one way or another. Many of them overlap. Some may even be collapsible into others. Yet, our sense is that there isn’t a single, ultimate cause lying behind all the others. Rather, it is precisely because so many factors point in the same direction—because neglect is overdetermined—that maintenance problems are so pervasive. 

We publish this post largely because we are interested in what others think. What are we missing? What could we add? How might we refine these thoughts? What kind of evidence and empirical work would help clarify and support theories of maintenance neglect? 

As always, we look forward to hearing from the community. After all, this post is an attempt to echo what we have heard back to you. 

1.     Human Psychology and “Cognitive Biases”: We are unsure how we feel about terms like “cognitive bias” but the simple truth is that people we talk to often attribute poor maintenance practices to the psychological dispositions of individuals, whether as a product of biology or cultural rearing. These psychological explanations take at least a few forms: 

a. Hyperbolic, or Delay, Discounting: Hyberbolic, or delay, discounting is the idea that humans prefer to enjoy rewards now than for one that arrives later, even if the later reward is greater—put another way, humans tend to discount the value of later rewards in light of present gains. Individuals often assert that discounting leads to deferred maintenance and “kicking the can down the road,” when resources can be put to other sexier uses than upkeep. Theorists have given evolutionary reasons for the development of delay discounting, but studies have also found dramatic differences in discounting between cultures, which means there’s more than just raw biology at play here. Rearing is important.

b.     Paying attention to the novel: Another argument that we’ve heard several times is that humans are wired by evolution to both attend to novel things in their environments and take the given for granted. Maybe. But we have a hard time seeing this when looking across cultures or back in time. For most of human history, for example, annual economic growth was at 1% or less, and there was little to no fetishization of technological change. So again, whether thinking historically or across cultures, there’s little reason to believe that paying attention to the new is some ahistorical human reality, even if such dispositions play a role today.

2.     Cultural Myths: Another set of explanations we hear focus on cultural myths, or discourses - stories we’ve come to tell about the world that end up shaping our values, priorities, perceptions, and actions. Perhaps foremost among these explanations is the idea that the way we’ve come to think and talk about “innovation” leads us to put off and neglect other activities, including maintenance. Note: it’s not that actual innovation—the process of introducing new things and practices in the world—is somehow opposed to maintenance (though it can be). There is, for instance, innovation in the technologies and practices of maintenance. Rather, the ideology of innovation, or innovation-speak, leads us to prioritize creating the new over caring for the old.

How we came to this innovation-speak dominated moment is a complex story. Books like Christine MacLeod’s Heroes of Invention: Technology, Liberalism, and British Identity, 1750-1914, and Benôit Godin’s Innovation Contested: The Idea of Innovation Over the Centuries, examine how invention (once a low-status social role) and innovation (once a concept used to disparage religious heretics) became lauded over the course of the 19th and 20th centuries. Critical works, like John Patrick Leary’s Keywords: The New Language of Capitalism and Maintainers Co-Director Lee Vinsel’s “95 Theses on Innovation” and “How to Give Up the I-Word,” highlight how this change in values have led to a variety of negative consequences.

These cultural myths of innovation have especially come to shape public policy, including around technology and education. In many cases today, “technology policy” just means creating new things, not caring for old ones. And engineering education has increasingly come to focus on the need to train students in innovation and entrepreneurship, even though about 70% of engineers work in operations and maintenance. Our world is upside down.

3.     Status Systems: People we talk to also argue that a big part of the problem around maintenance work and occupational roles that focus on maintenance is that they have low social status. This social reality is likely very old, but has also changed a great deal over time, and in general, we believe the topic needs more historical and social scientific investigation. Gender, race, and other identity markers often play important roles here.

Several individuals have noted the Dalit—or “untouchable”—classes in the Indian caste systems do various forms of maintenance work, like cleaning toilets. And we can examine similar work in the lives of enslaved peoples around the globe, including in the United States. And such distinctions around occupational roles clearly do not end when slavery does. In Virginia, for instance, several jobs, such as domestic workers and hotel concierges, are defined out of minimum wage requirements. Brief inspection finds that these unprotected jobs were typically done by black people during the Jim Crow era. Clearly, a great deal of maintenance and care labor—including housework and childcare—is also highly gendered and, for instance, not taken into account in measures of “economic” activity, as feminist scholars and others have been showing for decades.

The statuses of specific occupational roles, especially ones tied to individual technologies, also change quite a bit over time. In Auto Mechanics: Technology and Expertise in Twentieth-Century America, Kevin Borg describes how the occupation of auto mechanic went from being a job that working-class people entered to move up in the world to become a role taken up by “unpromising” individuals who were not “college material.” A similar dynamic has played out with “electrician,” once a high-status aspirational role, now a “trade,” and Clive Thompson has argued in Wired that the same thing may be happening with computer coding.

Such status hierarchies influence other kinds of jobs as well. In Being Mortal, Atul Gawande describes how effective gerontological treatment can be for the quality of life for elderly patients. A great deal of gerontological work focuses on maintaining bodies, or more accurately helping others maintain their own bodies. (Gawande writes lyrically about a doctor looking over an elderly patient’s toenails, checking to see if she is taking care of herself.) Yet, Gawande notes that the field of gerontology is dying in many parts of the US because young people choose to go into specializations that are seen as more innovative and cutting-edge and which receive higher pay.

A recurring question is how we come to know the relative statuses of various occupations, and one answer is that our parents teach us to see the world in this way. In the classic essay, “What Do Animals Do All Day?: The Division of Labor, Class Bodies, and Totemic Thinking in the Popular Imagination,” the sociologist John Levi Martin examined Richard Scarry’s Busytown children’s books and found a correlation between animal species and occupational statuses. Martin argues, for instance, that pigs in Busytown are often stand-ins for “America’s Working Man.” Martin’s essay is fun and funny, but the more serious point is that we are taught status systems and occupational hierarchies, even as very young children, so much that they become a part of the unconscious ways we see and experience the social world. 

Now, one might protest all of this business about occupational statuses has more to do with what kinds of jobs people want than whether we neglect maintenance. But people tell us time and again that status hierarchies shape which individuals and what kinds of work get attention and resources within organizations. To give but one example, open source software maintainers often find it hard to get credit for their work, which encourages them to move into other roles where they will get more status and higher pay, which creates an unstable and precarious situation for the software itself. 

4.     “Growth” and Forms of Short-Termism: Another common explanation is that our culture has become obsessed with economic and other forms of “growth” and that, in a variety of ways, this mindset favors short-term gains that affect maintenance in two ways: 1. It leads us to defer maintenance in the short-term. 2. It leads us to over-build and over-adopt new technologies that increase our maintenance load down the road.

We see this play out in both the public and private sectors. Chuck Marohn of Strong Towns has thoroughly examined how short-term focuses on growth leads localities to take federal money to build new infrastructure even though there is zero reason to believe those localities will ever have the tax base to maintain that infrastructure over the long-term. Similarly, investigations into problems in Washington, D.C.’s trouble-plagued Metro have found leaders responsible for the subway system repeatedly prioritized expanding the system over maintaining it. While some voices in our culture argue that government is often better at long-term thinking than are businesses, the reality is that electoral politics encourage officials to concentrate on growth and ribbon-cuttings over unglamorous and hard-to-perceive maintenance.

In the private sector, scholars such as Mary O’Sullivan and William Lazonick, have examined the ideology of shareholder value as it arose in the 1980s – shareholder value is the assertion that business executives should make choices that enrich shareholders. Often this idea is reflected in a fixation with showing growth and other positive indicators in quarterly reports. While much more research needs to be done, we frequently hear that such short-term thinking leads firms to neglect maintenance and other fundamental tasks because they are not seen as contributing directly to growth. Similarly, Silicon Valley-style startups and the current focus on producing so-called “unicorns” (companies that valued at over $1 billion) emphasize launching sexy ideas without thinking through the sustainability or maintenance of the venture (or even, like, profitability . . . ).

5.     Economic Incentives and Collective Action Problems: Economic incentives play several roles in fostering both success in and neglect of maintenance. Some industries, including chemical production, petroleum refining, some manufacturing, and digital services (including Amazon and Netflix), have impressive and cutting-edge maintenance units because uptime is so crucial to their profitability. On the other end of the spectrum, in a quantitative study of work orders, CEO Tom Arnold and others at Gridium, a company that makes software for building management, found that roughly 98% of jobs in building maintenance were reactive, or repair-focused. Only 2% of work effort went into preventive maintenance. While we need much more research into this topic, it appears that different industries have wildly different incentives around maintenance.

Another class of economic maintenance issues arise from so-called collective action problems, especially the phenomenon known as “free-riding.” For instance, citizens like well-functioning infrastructure and will take advantage of it, but may not be willing to pay more taxes to improve or guarantee continued quality of that infrastructure. A great deal of recent thinking has gone into how free-riding and other collective action problems affect open source software, which depends largely on volunteer labor creating a precarious and unsustainable situation, especially since such volunteer work so often leads to burnout.

6.     Capability Traps: In his paper at Maintainers II, “Why Aren’t the Wrenches Turning on Preventive Maintenance?” Tom Arnold, the CEO of Gridium, argued that individuals responsible for maintenance often face a difficult tradeoff of better-before-worse or worse-before-better. That is, they have two fundamental options: First, they can use quick fixes to deal with problems and get systems back up and running, while facing (probably more like ignoring) the ultimate failure that lays down the road. Or second, they can take time to develop lasting solutions that improve overall performance, though this often means the situation will get worse in the meantime, for instance, because systems will need to be taken offline.

A wide variety of causes, from the demands of angry users to a sheer lack of time, leads maintainers to run around putting out fires instead of creating more fundamental improvements. The end result? John Sterman of MIT’s Sloan School argues that such capability traps lead individuals and organizations to ignore existing, “low-hanging fruit” solutions that would improve performance simply because they do not have the time or cognitive energy to implement them. This avoidance of worse-before-better problems is likely also a crucial factor in the legacy software space, where organizations put off changing software systems just because dealing with the issue will be such a headache.

7.     Interests and Power: As with any other domain of human activity, power and financial interests play important roles in shaping where maintenance is and isn’t done and who benefits. On the one hand, elites and powerful corporations vocally advocate for the maintenance of some public and some private infrastructure. The advocacy organization, Infrastructure Week, which pushes both for the construction of new infrastructure and maintenance of existing systems, has a steering committee that includes groups like the National Association of Manufacturers, the Business Roundtable, and the U.S. Chamber of Commerce. Not exactly purveyors of socialist thinking!

On the other hand, there’s no denying that maintenance, like any other resource or activity in our society, is unequally distributed. For example, news articles often highlight how residents in public housing face terrible maintenance neglect, including broken elevators, which place stress on all residents but especially the elderly, disabled, and ill. We see the same thing in public schools that primarily serve the poor and disenfranchised, as recent reporting by Benjamin Herold at Education Week has examined. A recent study done by the Philadelphia Inquirer found over 9,000 environmental problems in Philadelphia schools, including “mold, deteriorated asbestos, and acres of flaking and peeling paint likely containing lead.

8.     Moral Lousyness: Finally, a near constant theme is that as a society we do not pay attention to maintenance and maintainers but we SHOULD do so. Depending on your view of human nature, this moralizing may just be another way to talk about cognitive biases and economic incentives, but the key point is that often enough arguments are put in moral rather than other terms. The moral “should” is an – at least implicit – point of the idea that infrastructure and some forms of—often gendered—labor are currently “invisible” but should not be.   

It’s not just left-leaning thinkers who talk about maintenance and maintainers this way either. In a recent episode of his podcast Econtalk, the libertarian economist Russ Roberts recounted the story of a (probably apocryphal) exam in a business class in which the professor asked one question: what is the name of the woman who cleans this building? Roberts took the story as a lesson about the “minimal human interaction you’re talking about in a place where there’s disparity between people’s prospects and material well-being.” The point is that we should not treat other humans like this, even if differences in social classes make it easy to do so.

Regardless of the overall role of morality in the kinds of maintenance problems we face, it seems clear that a great deal of writing on maintenance today attempts to make a moral case for changing our ways.

These eight categories capture most (if not all) of the explanations for the neglect of maintenance that we’ve collected in our various conversations, readings, and reflections. They cover a wide range of factors, from individual to collective, from moral to material. We’re eager to hear from you about what we’ve missed, how we could collapse or further tease out these categories, and what kinds of generalizations--and recommendations for positive actions--we might draw from them. We are eager to hear your responses and reactions: drop a note to The Maintainers listserv or get in touch with us directly!

Maintaining Disabled Bodies and Identities: The Body as Evidence

This is the second of two interrelated posts by the disability studies scholar Hanna Herdegen who is pursuing a PhD in Science, Technology, and Society at Virginia Tech.

“What have you got in there, rocks?”

I’ve gotten comments on the weight of my backpack since I was old enough to wear one. When I was in grade school, it was because I’d carry half a library’s worth of books around with me all day. After I was diagnosed with a chronic illness, it was because I carried half a hospital’s worth of medical supplies.

Although carrying bottles of pills is as normal for me as carrying a tube of lip balm, it is noticeable how many more people will stop and stare when I pull the former out of my bag.


In part one of this series, I talked about how judgments concerning the suitability of certain bodies to certain spaces can make it challenging to exist in public as a disabled person. Part of this comes from difficulties faced in normalizing the maintenance of disabled bodies due to the lack of culturally-valent counter narratives about disability.

In addition to the material and symbolic issues of access discussed in the previous article, the task of producing counter narratives in public space is complicated by the fact that disabled communities are spatially dispersed and that disability and/or illness may prevent individuals from being out in public at all. Because of this, public dialogue about disability often occurs in mixed company (i.e. between a disabled person and a nondisabled person), or among nondisabled people alone, which makes productive discussion difficult—and which, I would argue, is a significant factor that prevents counter narratives from gaining cultural valence.

There are, however, alternative routes for producing counter narratives. Online platforms can mitigate some of the aforementioned complications, making conversations within disabled communities easier and facilitating the wide-spread sharing of disabled perspectives.

Of those platforms, YouTube seems to be particularly viable for this kind of meaning-making. The platform gives disabled people the space in which to exist without compromise—the space in which to tell stories about their experiences that do not fit into popular narratives about disability. Significantly, the visual element of YouTube video allows disabled vloggers to use their bodies as evidence of their experience. This affordance becomes especially important to people with invisible chronic illnesses whose lived experience of illness tends to be disbelieved by the medical community, the general public, and members of their own families because their bodies do not fit those found in the acceptable disability/illness narratives.

The “What’s in My Bag” Tag

‘Tags’ or ‘tag videos’ are a memetic genre of YouTube video in which a content creator does a thing (for example, in an “Accent Tag” video, the creator reads a prescribed list of words in their native accent) and then invites other creators to do the same. In a “What’s in My Bag” tag video, creators go through their bags, pulling out items one-by-one and talking about them on camera. While the tag originated in the mainstream ‘lifestyle’ vlogging community, it has been co-opted by disability/chronic illness vloggers in interesting ways.

When I was first diagnosed with POTS, I stumbled across a YouTube video of a girl with my condition going through her purse—pulling out a compact mirror she had stolen from her sister, a makeup brush and foundation powder, but also her feeding tube pump and a gift card to Wendy’s that was “useless” because she had lost the ability to eat by mouth. She was doing a version of the “What’s in My Bag” tag—but “POTS Dysautonomia style.” At the end of the video, she issues a statement to her viewers:

I’d like to challenge all you other girls out there who have POTS or Dysautonomia or any other chronic illness: what’s in your purse? And how different is it from what’s in a normal girl’s purse?”

What I find particularly compelling about the “What’s in My Bag: Chronic Illness Edition” tag is twofold: 1) that these young women had co-opted a narrative device originally used by mainstream beauty/lifestyle vloggers to help describe elements of the illness experience that would not normally be considered beautiful or fit for ‘lifestyle’-type content  and 2) that there is a distinct awareness among many of the vloggers that what they have in their bag is different from what would be ‘in a normal girl’s purse’—and that this is the interesting part of the video.

The items pulled out by the “chronic illness edition” vloggers are different in multiple ways. There’s the obvious: not many nondisabled people walk around with feeding tube pumps, pulse oximeters, and blood pressure cuffs in their bags. There are also items which may seem ‘normal’ to carry in a purse, but which are actually used as part of illness management: hand sanitizer for prevention of cold/flu in immune-challenged bodies, sweaters for keeping warm when the body cannot adequately regulate its temperature, snacks for low blood sugar/low blood pressure. Finally, there are ‘normal’ items which might seem out of place in a bag: multiple bottles of Gatorade for dealing with blood pressure issues, blankets or yoga mats for lying on the floor in public places.

I find it useful, here, to conceptualize bags/purses as ‘maintenance kits.’ We carry around make-up, snacks, drinks, entertainment, etc. in our bags, all items we use to maintain our physical or emotional health. Looking at bags this way helps to highlight the ways in which judgments about the suitability of bodies—and of body maintenance—to spaces are made. We can see, in the items pulled out of the bags and in the stories told about them, that 1) there are lines drawn between the kinds of body maintenance that are acceptable or ‘normal,’ and the kinds that are not and 2) that these distinctions are largely arbitrary. Nondisabled people perform essentially similar body maintenance without facing similar social consequences. A granola bar in one bag can perform the same kinds of body maintenance as a feeding tube in another.

Perhaps most significantly, at the same time that the videos draw out difference, they also do what popular narratives of illness and disability do not: allow space for disabled/chronically ill people to create meaning around the material and symbolic circumstances of illness—space in which the everyday experience of illness is not only normal but is in fact positive evidence of existence.

 This is Part 2 of a two-part series on maintaining disabled bodies and identities. To read Part 1, click here.




The Soup’s On Us: Introducing the Information Maintainers

This post is by Information Maintenance Community Member Monique Lassere

Many of us are familiar with the term “maintenance,” and we may even have ready-made ideas of what maintenance looks like, whether as an occupation or what we just realized the dishwasher needs. But what about the day-to-day, minute-by-minute work that sustains our world, our societies, and the way we interact with them? Maintenance is like soup: it comes in many styles and flavors. And our preconceived ideas and notions of what maintenance entails simultaneously bias our understanding of maintenance and its value within our surroundings, while further making invisible the myriad forms of work that sustain the world around us.

In many ways that cloaking device or preconception is the reason why I write this post today introducing you to the Information Maintainers community, our purpose and possibilities, and to beckon your participation.

The Information Maintainers are a group of individuals with a common, vested interest in information maintenance and its role within our day-to-day work, our organizations, and our infrastructure. Information maintenance refers to the work that sustains and repairs information, information systems, and information communities, as well as the many actions that keep our sociotechnical world going (Russel and Vinsel, 2016). This group came together because of a deep commitment to recast our work within the frame of information maintenance and infuse it with practices, relationships, and ways of thinking and being that represent a coherent ethic of care.

The Information Maintainer community’s overarching purpose is to support the maintenance of information and those who manage, maintain, and preserve information systems.

We hope to support information maintenance in the following ways:

  1. Research issues that lie at the intersection of information and data governance, ethics, and workforce care

  2. Develop and endorse educational resources that build and support the ethics of care within the information management and data governance sectors

  3. Develop and share informational resources for use in professional and internal organizational advocacy, such as case studies, talking points, and toolkits

  4. Develop guidelines and frameworks to inform long-term, inter-generational thinking in community-based and institutional information maintenance.

First and foremost, we hope to encourage and sustain a discussion of information maintenance through the lens of care. As information maintainers ourselves, we sustain bodies of information, information systems, and the communities that support them. Our varied roles–from community organizers and project managers to grant makers and leaders in higher education–reflect a range of experiences we hold with and in information maintenance. We recognize, however, that our individual and collective identities, perspectives, and experiences are but a slice of the conversation. Sometimes they enrich and open this conversation. Sometimes they can limit the conversation as well.

To that end, our paper below, “Information Maintenance as a Practice of Care: An Invitation to Reflect and Share” lays out related issues and stakes, our terms, and occupational roles for which an understanding of the relationship between information maintenance and an ethic of care is especially valuable. More than anything, the article is a call, an open invite, a door flung wide open to a potlock discussion on the intersection of maintenance and care.

Our hope is that the ideas we put forth as a community will be incorporated in student work, in the design of professional development curricula, in management approaches within information and cultural heritage organizations, and in the individual practices of anyone who finds meaning in the concepts we describe. This aim is a large part of why we came together as a group: because we knew that to truly interrogate the ways in which we enact or disavow information maintenance we would need to do so together, across institutions, hierarchies, sectors, and ways of knowing.

We would love for you to contribute to the Information Maintainers community. In all honesty we need you--to make visible the people, experiences, and practices that remain masked by the way our society has cast the word maintenance. We cannot do this without you. Please join us today by taking these three steps:

We’ll see you at the potluck. I’ll bring the soup.

Maintaining Disabled Bodies and Identities: Disability as Dirty Work

This is the first of two interrelated posts by the disability studies scholar Hanna Herdegen who is pursuing a PhD in Science, Technology, and Society at Virginia Tech.

When I was first diagnosed with POTS, my cardiologist suggested that I should always lie down immediately upon feeling faint, no matter where I was.

“What, like in the middle of the street?” I asked.

“Well, maybe not in the street. But on the sidewalk, sure.”

I made a face at him. Really?

“People will just walk around you,” he said. “Don’t worry about it.”

I had figured out on my own that lying down helped alleviate the symptoms caused by my racing heart and dropping blood pressure—but lying down ‘always’ and ‘immediately’ seemed a bit extreme.

For one thing, feeling faint happened a lot more frequently than actually fainting did. If I were to lie down every time I felt faint, I would spend most of the day on the floor.

And for another, I was less worried about dealing with people stepping on me and more worried about dealing with people staring at me. I had a difficult time imagining myself actually lying down in the middle of the sidewalk on a semi-regular basis.

If the choice was simply between lying down and passing out, the decision would be easy: lie down.

But it’s not that simple.


I think a lot about the kinds of bodies that are allowed in certain spaces. I don’t just mean whether a body can physically enter a space—though that is certainly an issue. I also mean whether certain kinds of bodies are thought to be organic to a space, and what kinds of effects that judgment has on the ease of existence for that body.

Many disabled people are put into positions where they must deny certain pieces of themselves in order to exist in public—and even private—spaces. There are trade-offs. It is often necessary to sacrifice physical comfort for social comfort, and vice versa.

If I were to lie down in the middle of the sidewalk, I might prevent or decrease the severity of a POTS episode, but I would also have to deal with staring and comments from passers-by, as well as with the concern and awkwardness of anyone who might have been walking with me at the time. While lying down might save me physical energy, dealing with the reactions of others takes social and emotional energy that I don’t always have. Dealing with these reactions repeatedly over time, every time I have to do something out of the ordinary to maintain my body, is exhausting beyond a situational level. That exhaustion, which I would describe in terms of tension between the demands of maintaining a disabled body and those of maintaining a disabled identity, is what makes the decision between lying down and passing out difficult.

So, where does this tension come from?

I think part of it comes from the fact that disability is supposed to be socially invisible. Because of this, there are consequences attached to actions, like lying down in public, that make it visible.

In his 1963 book Stigma: Notes on the Management of Spoiled Identity, Erving Goffman talks about stigma as a social disqualification, referring to the way stigma acts to ‘spoil’ identity by marking a person as unfit for full participation in society (1). Stigma needs to be made known in order to act as a disqualifier; sometimes this happens in conversation, but many times stigma is communicated symbolically. In the case of disability, stigma symbols may be physical markers like an uneven gait or atypical eye contact, or items like wheelchairs and white canes. (It is important to note that people who need these devices have varying levels of choice in whether or not they use them, and therefore varying levels of choice in whether they are marked and disqualified.)

Goffman’s discussion of stigma helps to illustrate the consequences of being marked as disabled, but does not fully explain how and why those kinds of judgments of social qualification/disqualification are made. Here, it is useful to look at organizational studies scholarship on dirty work: the kinds of occupations whose workers are socially ‘tainted’ by their association with dirt, death, and/or bodily fluids. Like disability, dirty work is often made to be spatially and temporally absent from society. Building maintenance happens at night, or in off-peak hours; county dumps and scrapyards are tucked away in rural areas, away from population centers (2).

Recent work in this field emphasizes the importance of acknowledging both the material and symbolic aspects of dirty work. It is not only the idea of dirt that taints dirty workers, but also the physical evidence of dirt on their bodies. Dirt stains fingers and leaves odd smells on clothing, and this evidence can be difficult to remove in ways that reflect and reinforce the difficulties dirty workers face in removing the social taint associated with their work (2).

It seems to me that the stigma attached to disability comes from similar sources of social taint, and that stigma symbols act as such because they imply proximity to those sources of taint.

Calling disability ‘dirty work,’ in reference not only to the fact of having a disabled body/mind, but the act of being disabled in an ableist world, has certain resonances. It helps explain the intertwined and often antagonistic nature of maintaining both a disabled body and a disabled identity. Like dirty work, disability is both material and symbolic in nature—which, to put it simply, I would align with bodies and identities, respectively. The act of being disabled requires management of both. As noted above, managing the material nature of disability— maintaining a disabled body by using a wheelchair, modifying one’s gait to accommodate hip pain, lying down in public spaces, etc.—produces stigma symbols that associate disabled people with sources of social taint.

Managing the symbolic nature of disability—maintaining a disabled identity—has its own difficulties. Of course, one option is to try and behave in a way that does not produce stigma symbols. However, this is physically taxing…and often physically impossible.

Another option is to try and manage social taint by reframing the sources of taint in a better light. Dirty workers do this by “construct[ing] meanings that afford positive value to dirty work” (2)—in other words, by producing counter narratives. The grime and blood of butchery, for example, gets recontextualized as markers of a trade that is connected rhetorically to tradition and skill; dirt under fingernails becomes a symbol of hard work, and of the ability of a person to provide for their family (2).

However, the symbolic space in which to manage a spoiled identity is not available to disabled people in the same way that it is to dirty workers—for the simple reason that there are very few positive, culturally valent counter narratives about disability.

The fact is that there are certain bodies allowed to exist in popular stories about disability. There are set narratives, or narrative tropes, that disabled and ill bodies fit into—the inspiration, the overcomer, the sports hero, the warrior cancer child. Outside of these narratives, which act to consume rather than produce disabled lives and identities, disabled bodies disappear.

It’s not that disabled people cannot be inspiring or overcomers or warriors. It’s that, often, these are the only things they are allowed to be. It’s that there are aspects of disability/chronic illness that are painful, messy, joyful and normal that are not allowed to be normalized in the set narratives available. There are individuals who are willing (and waiting, and needing) to tell stories about the everyday experience of disability and illness, but who cannot do so effectively because, frankly, people don’t want to hear it.

There are few symbolic spaces in which disabled bodies are allowed to exist, fully and unconditionally—and as a result, few material spaces in which existing as a disabled person does not require choices to be made between maintaining one’s body and maintaining one’s identity.



1)     Erving Goffman. 1963. Stigma: Notes on the Management of Spoiled Identity.

2)     Ruth Simpson, Jason Hughes, and Natasha Slutskaya. 2016. Gender, Class, and Occupation: Working Men Doing Dirty Work.

Researching "What Do Engineers Do All Day?: Innovation, Maintenance, and Everyday Engineering.”

This post is by The Maintainers Co-Director Lee Vinsel.

A couple of weeks ago I heard that joyful news that my Virginia Tech colleagues Jenni Case, Marie Paretti, and I were awarded a grant from the Institute for Society, Culture, and the Environment for a research project titled, “What Do Engineers Do All Day?: Innovation, Maintenance, and Everyday Engineering.” (If you’re interested in details, you can download an extract from our proposal here.)

This grant comes at a propitious moment for my work and the work of The Maintainers network more broadly. Andy Russell and I have always emphasized that our thinking builds on previous work in several fields, including that of historians like Ruth Cowan and David Edgerton, scholars of science and technology studies like Chris Henke, Steve Jackson, Lara Houston, David Pontille, and Jerome Denis, even artists like Mierle Laderman Ukeles. Put another way, The Maintainers is not an innovation.

At the same time, it’s only after nearly five years of work that deep research questions about maintenance and repair are really becoming clear to us in domains like public infrastructure, private and domestic maintenance, and Right-to-Repair. The trick now is to think methodologically about how to answer these questions. We see one goal of our support from the Sloan Foundation to be aggregating research questions and fostering communities to answer them. The really hard work is just beginning.

“What Do Engineers Do All Day?” is a good example of such a research question worth pursuing. In Shock of the Old, David Edgerton - drawing on Swedish historian Svante Lindqvist, I think - points to a survey of professional engineers conducted in Sweden in 1980. The survey unveiled that about 70% percent of engineers worked in operations and maintenance. This finding has huge potential ramifications for engineering education in the United States and around the globe, more and more of which is aimed at training engineering students in innovation and entrepreneurship, even though most engineering graduates will not focus on innovation (or even design) in their work and even fewer still will ever become entrepreneurs.

Yet, it’s a bad idea to generalize from a single study conducted in a single small nation nearly forty years ago! In short, we lack a good and more up-to-date answer to the question, “What do engineers do all day?” (Richard Scarry’s Busytown books, including What Do People Do All Day?, is an inspiration generally for some of our Maintainers work, but even more so because of the sociologist John Levi Martin’s essay, “What Do Animals Do All Day?” which finds a statistical correlation with certain animals and certain statuses of jobs, with the lowly pig doing much of the low-status blue-collar maintenance work.)

These questions provide the perfect opportunity to work with and learn from some of my stellar colleagues in VT’s Department of Engineering Education, where I am a faculty affiliate. Department head Jenni Case and Professor Marie Paretti are significant scholars - and creative methodologists - in the field of Engineering Education. Both Paretti and Case have conducted previous research that bears directly on the question of what roles engineers end up in. Paretti is currently leading a multi-institution NSF-funded study called Capstone to Work (C2W) following more than a hundred students across four institutions from the end of their engineering capstone design course through their first year of engineering work to understand how, and to what extent, the capstone course prepares engineering students for actual engineering work. C2W has amassed extensive data, including both quantitative and qualitative surveys, and semi-structured interviews with the engineering students/employees. While C2W clearly had its own questions, much of the data can be re-analyzed with questions around what engineers do in mind. Similarly, in an earlier study, Jenni Case and a co-author used a novel method of examining engineering graduates’ LinkedIn profiles to make inferences about what kinds of industries and occupational roles the graduates ended up in. This year we will conduct a similar study of Virginia Tech graduates. I’m very lucky to be able to learn from Jenni and Marie.

Most of the grant will fund the work of Engineering Education PhD student, Christopher Gewirtz. Chris has been working on the C2W with Professor Paretti and is intimately familiar with the interviews from that study. And Chris has incorporated some ideas from The Maintainers into his doctoral work. His dissertation will likely be titled something like Twelve Tales of Engineering Work: How Real Life Narratives Differ from Grand Narratives of Engineers Saving the World.  Chris is also just a great guy and I look forward to working with and learning from him.  
Working with my Engineering Education colleagues has also led me to read new literature, which is exciting. While preparing the grant proposal, I particularly liked reading Alice Pawley’s paper, “What Counts as ‘Engineering’: Towards a Redefinition,” which highlights how the (often maintenance-focused) work of women engineers is defined out as “not engineering.” Another paper that blew me away and has informed much of my thinking since is James Trevelyan’s and Bill Williams’ “Value Creation in the Engineering Enterprise: An Educational Perspective,” which nicely and convincingly makes the point the engineers create values in many ways, only a small fraction of which have anything to do with innovation or design.

Part, though only part, of moving beyond innovation-speak (and what I’ve come to see as its even more nefarious sibling, design-speak) will be having better empirical work to show just how inaccurate, partial, and problematic this way of talking about human life with technology really is. Scholars have already been doing this for years, especially through ethnography and history, but we must go even further, especially by drawing on social scientific methods that aren’t often found in science and technology studies. I’m really grateful to have colleagues like Jenni, Marie, and Chris to do this work with.

Maintainers III: Meet the Track Leaders

This post is by The Maintainers Co-Director Andy Russell.

As we near the May 13 deadline for proposals for Maintainers III, I have been thinking about how far this conference has come.  For Maintainers I and II, the “program committee” was Lee Vinsel and me, and our fictional assistant “Robert Tuttle” (which was the name we assigned to the gmail account that collected proposals and cvs). Our planning for logistics was limited to the room and catering offices at Stevens, some swag, and remembering to pick up the scoreboard from the athletics department (we used their giant red clock in lieu of asking people to serve as session chairs and keep time).  

This time, it’s different. Thanks to the tireless efforts of Jessica Meyerson, we’ve got an amazing venue in Washington, DC, the Kellogg Conference Hotel at Gallaudet University. (We haven’t figured out if we’ll be able to borrow scoreboard clocks again…)  But perhaps the most remarkable and rewarding aspect of planning for Maintainers III has been the opportunity to work with the leaders of the “Tracks” for the conference focused on software, transportation, and information maintenance. I’d like to say a few words about these amazing individuals and the vision they have for their tracks.

First, the software track. Over the past year or so we have noticed an increase in scholarly and practitioner interest in the maintenance and sustainability of open source software--Tidelift’s initiative to pay the maintainers and the Ford and Sloan Foundations’ joint call for research on digital infrastructure are only two examples. A formative moment for my own education around this issue came at APIdays Paris in December 2018, an event organized by software track Co-Chair, Mehdi Medjaoui. In Paris, Mehdi introduced me to a crew of dedicated software maintainers, and expressed his own interest in joining the organizing team for Maintainers III.  At the same event I met software track Co-Chair Don Goodman-Wilson, who calls himself a “recovering academic” who now works at GitHub. Don is focused on “discovering the best ways to support the maintainers of open source software,” which is one of the reasons why we were thrilled to invite him to organize the software track with Mehdi. For the most part, they envision the software track as a series of unconference-style conversations, organized around topics that attendees propose.  I really like the way that Don framed his invitation for participation over on the Maintainers email list:

There are a lot of places where we could use your experience and expertise. Are there lessons from other disciplines that could be applied to software maintenance? What’s different about maintaining legacy software vs open source software?  Do you know of interesting case-studies we should be aware of? Do _you_ maintain software, and have a story to share? What existing institutions exist that could be extended to cover software, or that might have resources for software maintainers that we aren’t aware of? Does open source as a practice have the deck stacked against it, and maybe we need to fundamentally rethink the way we approach open, collaborative software creation for the public good?

The second group of track chairs I want to highlight are working on the transportation track for Maintainers III.  In many ways, transportation is the poster child and arch-metaphor for the problems of infrastructure maintenance that are routinely in the headlines, such as bridge failures, pothole-filled roads, the elusive massive bipartisan federal spending package, and the annual shame of the ASCE Report Card. We’re very fortunate to have Co-Chairs Tabitha Decker (Deputy Executive Director at TransitCenter in New York), Raquel Velho (in the STS Department at Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute), and Carole Voulgaris (in the Civil Engineering Department at Cal Poly-San Luis Obispo) heading up this track. They have developed a compelling vision for the kinds of interactions they’d like to foster, and the kinds of questions they’d like to put on the table.  Tabitha is keen to facilitate conversations that connect academics with advocates and policymakers so that academic work “can inform policies to make cities fairer.” She’s especially interested in submissions that “center the perspectives of users and practitioners (e.g. bus and train operators, planners who design and maintain transit networks and/or streets, etc), examine the consequences of uneven and inaccessible transportation systems, and/or that feature methods for measuring transportation equity.” Carole has expressed complementary interests, particularly when it comes to the question of “how we pay for the maintenance of our transportation systems.” Moreover, Carole recognized that the Maintainers III conference is uniquely situated to foster conversations across our thematic tracks. As she put it, “I imagine that these questions are also pertinent to the maintenance of other systems, like information and software. Maintenance is great, how do we pay for it, and who should pay for it?” Raquel emphasizes that she’s interested in hearing from academics, policymakers, practitioners, and activists who can put “unheard stories at the front and center of our conference.” Raquel also has challenged us to imagine how innovation and maintenance can operate in a partnership, particularly to serve marginalized and excluded communities.

The third and final group at Maintainers III is the information maintenance track. Here again we have an extraordinary group of three co-chairs who have deep experiences in archives, libraries, publishing, and interface design. Juliana Castro is, among other things, the founder of Cita Press, a feminist open-access press using web design and illustration to revitalize public domain texts by women. At Maintainers III, Juliana is keen to see discussion around “the role that interfaces, interaction and multilanguage information play in maintenance.” She’s also eager to help build a diverse, exciting and playful program this year,” which we hope will include “academic and non-academic proposals, performances, workshops, dances, and papers!” Hillel Arnold, Assistant Director and Head of Digital Programs at Rockefeller Archives Center, participated in Maintainers I and II (his paper on Woody Guthrie and the Maintenance of Folk Music was amazing).  He’s keen to explore how “the maintenance framework can help us reframe and revalue labor across industries and sectors.” And, like several other track chairs, he’s eager both to curate the panels within the information track and, at the same time, to  learn from participants in the other tracks and plenary events about “how to collectively build power which addresses the challenges faced by maintainers.” Chela Scott Weber, the third co-chair of the information maintenance track, is a Senior Program Officer for the OCLC Research Library Partnership. She has broad experience in archives that span the industrial and digital ages, from the Henry Ford and New York Transit Museum to the Microsoft Archives. Chela’s vision is for MIII to be a place for “a broad array of information maintainers to reflect on their work,” a goal that is very much in step with the growing consensus that information maintenance is an area that’s vitally important, yet under-recognized and under-studied. She also notes that she has a “keen practical interest in wardrobe maintenance and repair, so if you want to talk sock darning or compare sashiko stitches, I'm your girl.”

I hope this brief account of these amazing people provides a sense of the experience we’re planning for our tracks at Maintainers III.  We are so grateful that they have joined us, and we’re excited to see their visions for the conference come to fruition.

It probably goes without saying that the final ingredient to make their vision a reality is… YOU!  So please, submit a proposal or reach out to the track chairs if you have questions or ideas about a session or submission.  And please mark your calendars and plan to join us in Washington for Maintainers: registration rates are posted, and registration itself will open in June!

Defining Core Values

The Maintainers has come a long way since Andy Russell and I co-founded it on accident, back in 2015. We thought it would be useful to share some reflections on how The Maintainers community has grown, and the values that stand out from our community’s discussions.

The reality is that The Maintainers literally started off as a joke, when Andy got fed up with the extravagant title of Walter Isaacson’s book, The Innovators: How a Group of Hackers, Geniuses, and Geeks Created the Digital Revolution. He joked that we should write a counter-volume, which he suggested we could title The Maintainers: How Bureaucrats, Standards Engineers, and Introverts Created Technologies that Kind of Work Most of the Time. We had a good laugh—but then we shared the joke with some of our friends, and the idea took on a life of its own. We didn’t expect that so many people, from so many different backgrounds and walks of life, would see themselves—and their values and passions—in this idea.

Through a series of publications, conferences, happy hours, talks, conversations, and innumerable exchanges, we’ve learned that individuals all over the globe want to talk about this. We all are fascinated with why it is that contemporary societies so often overvalue a superficial idea of innovation; and why, at the same time, these societies neglect both maintenance and Maintainers, the people who keep our societies going. The joke has transformed into a movement, and we find ourselves talking to members of The Maintainers community about how we can move forward. In other words, how do we improve the problems we have identified?

We took a big step forward this past fall, when The Maintainers received a grant from the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation. The purpose was to grow and formalize the community of experts, researchers, and practitioners who are interested in maintenance. The vehicle to accomplish this was created by our partnership with the Educopia Institute, an organization dedicated to empowering “collaborative communities to create, share, and preserve knowledge.” Much of our work with Educopia this year is to create the organizational infrastructure to support communities in discussing and working on problems around maintenance. We have four pilot communities in various stages of development – information (knowledge management, visual communication, cultural stewardship, digital preservation), open source software, transportation, and a group looking at workforce issues and labor law. We’ve also identified some likely areas of expansion, including water infrastructure, K-12 education, architectural preservation, and more.

We’re especially grateful that Educopia is helping us think about The Maintainers organization itself. We’re incredibly fortunate to be working with Katherine Skinner, Educopia’s Executive Director and the lead author of its Community Cultivation Field Guide. This document is a rich framework for thinking through community development. It’s amazing. Anyone who works within an organization that is growing, changing, or transforming should read it.

As part of this process, where we’re thinking in deliberate and intentional ways about the cultivation of this Maintainers community, we’re working hard to articulate a deceptively simple question: what values motivate and inspire The Maintainers community? This is not simply an exercise in spelling out the values that motivate Andy and I; instead, we’re aiming for something broader and deeper. To accomplish this, our core team has drafted a document trying reflect what we have been hearing from community members as they explain what motivates them and what they are trying to accomplish in the world. As you will see below, we have boiled these down to three related points: Care, Research, and Capacity. As I’ll mention at the end, we are actively searching out feedback on this text, so while you’re reading them, please ask yourself, “Does this text reflect my understanding of what this community is doing?”



Societies must care for those individuals who take care of it.

Western cultures laud and heap attention on so-called “innovators” but often overlook and forsake those individuals who keep our world from falling apart. Our community is dedicated to recognizing these crucial individuals who keep society’s systems running. We seek to identify and confront the issues that prevent Maintainers from flourishing as individuals, in collectives, and in their varied occupational roles. We highlight these obstacles as a step toward positive recommendations that will lead to greater levels of recognition, fair compensation, and more widespread appreciation of the value of maintenance labor and their foundational contributions to society.  


Grounded perspectives on human life with technology.

Many of the problems Maintainers face stem from fanciful ideas—which we call innovation-speak—that are unsupported by evidence about how technology works, about the role new things play in society, and about how humans will benefit. A more accurate and grounded understanding of human life with technology requires continual, critical inquiry into the daily practices of individuals, organizations, and communities. Accordingly, the Maintainers fosters and promotes action research into maintenance, repair, infrastructure, and the mundane work that keeps our society going. And we seek to nurture partnerships to connect researchers and practitioners who share the goal of putting experience, research, and evidence to work.


Resources for Maintainers to help each other.

The Maintainers seeks to build capacity to improve maintenance practices and to help Maintainers—as individuals and communities—share knowledge about common challenges and best practices. There are few secrets in the science and craft of maintenance. Instead, what is needed most is to create and disseminate tools that improve maintenance practices and increase sharing of maintenance knowledge across domains. Our success requires constant feedback and engagement from a variety of stakeholders and the twin spirits of flexibility and openness to different ideas.


We see this text as very provisional – it is meant to inspire discussion, debate, and consensus. We want very much for this text to mirror the values that hold our community together and help to guide our future directions.  (Are you a part of The Maintainers community? If you want to be, you are.) We would LOVE to hear what you think. Please comment below, add thoughts through this feedback form, or by email to lee(at)themaintainers.org or andy(at)themaintainers.org.

After a period of feedback, reflection, and revision, we will post a new version of this text on this website. But even then we won’t see it as a final, written-in-stone text but rather as something that will need regular updating and reconsideration.

Maintainers III is coming: how you can get involved

Now that a little bit of time has passed since we announced the dates (Oct 6-9), place (Gallaudet University in Washington, DC), and Call for Papers for Maintainers III, I wanted to share a few thoughts about different ways to get involved.

First, you could submit a proposal. In our CFP we list a number of different proposal formats: panels, papers, workshops, roundtables, lightning talks, and ‘alternative submissions.’ The latter category is purposefully broad, because we’re sure that you all have ideas for sessions that have not occurred to the planning committee! We’re eager to hear those proposals - in fact, we are depending on your creativity and enthusiasm. If you have questions about proposal formats or requirements, or if you just want some feedback about your ideas, feel free to email anyone on the planning committee or use our listserv to shake loose some ideas or potential collaborators.

Second, you could plan on attending MIII. Our top priority is to create a welcoming and safe environment for all of our participants, and our Planning Committee has worked hard to create a Code of Conduct and Accessibility FAQ that reflect our values as well as lessons learned from other conferences and organizations. If you have suggestions for how we might refine or clarify these documents, please let us know. Registration is not yet open, but in the coming weeks we’ll have information about early-bird registration, as well as room availability in the Washington, D.C. area.

Third, we welcome inquiries about sponsorship opportunities. The simple economics of conference organizing is that registration fees drop when sponsors agree to subsidize the costs of the meeting. The Alfred P. Sloan Foundation has already committed funds to help us get the conference organized, and we’re having some encouraging discussions with other generous organizations. If you have suggestions, or you’d like more information about what sponsorship entails, please reach out to me.

Finally, if you have any other ideas about things we could do at the conference, or “don’t miss” places or experiences in Washington, D.C. connected to maintenance, repair, and/or infrastructure, let us know!

We appreciate your help in spreading the word about the conference. Our goal is to bring together a diverse group of people who are passionate about maintenance, for whom care is a fundamental value, and who are committed to putting their ideas into practice and policy.

We look forward to hearing from you!

Andy (on behalf of the MIII Planning Committee)

Maintainers Organizers Report

By Andrew Russell, The Maintainers Co-Founder

Thanks to our project’s support from the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation, 2019 has been a busy time for my fellow co-founder Lee Vinsel and me. Together with Jessica Meyerson and her colleagues at the Educopia Institute, we’re focused on a new dimension of our effort to raise awareness around the concepts of maintenance and individual maintainers. This new dimension explores how best to foster and support the many interest-based maintenance communities that have surfaced organically - from transportation infrastructure, to digital preservation, to open source software.

The core of our work with these maintenance communities is to find ways to “maintain The Maintainers.” (In other words, how can we avoid being crushed by irony?) To that end, our Sloan grant is supporting targeted efforts with two distinct communities of maintainers: 1)  a group of “information maintainers” who have been working together to define their shared interests over the past year, and 2) a group of “workforce maintainers” who have explicit interests around supporting the maintainers in our workforce. Together with Educopia, we will be hosting a series of in-person meetings in April with stakeholders from these groups, with an eye towards capturing lessons learned for other maintenance communities to benefit from as we approach 2020. We plan to distill these lessons, as well as our process for engaging communities, into a document we’re calling the Maintenance Community Framework.

Another important focus of our work under the Sloan grant is to improve our communications. In a sense, we’re maturing as an organization (or trying our best!). Guided by Christina Drummond and Sam Fried on our project team, our goal is to improve the frequency and timeliness of our updates. After developing a strategic communications plan over the winter, we are now ramping up our updates on this blog, the Maintainers listserv, and Twitter. We’re also investigating the best way to “maintain” these communications platforms for the good of our community. For example, we’ve had a fascinating dialog on our Maintainers email list over our different options for list migration: use Google? Stick with tried-and-true open source solutions? Who will take care of administration and troubleshooting? Throughout the discussion, we welcome the opportunity to pause and reflect, and to keep in mind the balance between our values and our practical needs to be low-overhead and sustainable.   

Also along the lines of communications, we are actively refining some of the core questions people ask us: who are The Maintainers? What do you do? And what are you trying to accomplish? We raise these questions constantly in individual conversations, but it’s time to document some of our answers--and open questions--on our website, www.themaintainers.org. Much like our conversations on the listserv, we will be looking to you, our community, to help us refine and affirm our shared values and mission as we continue to evolve from our origins of an academic quip to something much more impactful.

The planning is underway for our next annual gathering, building on our successful 2016 and 2017 meetings. We have identified four focus areas that will each have a dedicated track--information maintenance, transportation infrastructure, open source software, and maintainers in the workforce--as well as an open track for other topics that don’t neatly fit. Announcements for the Save the Date, Call for Proposals, Lodging, and Sponsorship information will be forthcoming over the next month.

We want to hear from you! We’re eager to hear your experiences, listen to your advice, and talk about your ideas for building this movement. Please reach out on Twitter (@The_Maintainers), send us email, and/or join our maintainers mailing list and contribute to the discussion.

Alfred P. Sloan Foundation Support for The Maintainers

The Maintainers organization - co-organized by Andrew Russell and Lee Vinsel - is pleased to announce that the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation will be supporting some of its activities. With funding from the Sloan Foundation, we plan to build our capacity to create and nurture communities that connect scholarly research and practical applications. We’re thrilled to be partnering with the Educopia Institute, a non-profit organization focused on "building communities, connecting likeminded people, and using collective action to advance institutions of all kinds." Educopia will provide some staff support and its considerable expertise in community cultivation to help us further grow The Maintainers network. 

Our primary focus will be something we call the Maintenance Community Framework, through which we'll study the state of maintenance in individual sectors and professions, and document and disseminate best practices and lessons learned. The first two maintenance communities we'll focus on are InfoMaintainers - people working in libraries and digital preservation - and Maintainers in the Workforce, a group of experts on the law and policy of labor and poverty. We plan to identify and seed some other maintenance communities this year, including ones on transportation and water infrastructure, engineering, and philanthropy. We'll also be seeking additional funding sources that can sustain this effort for several years. And we’re now starting the planning process for Maintainers III, a conference that will take place in the fall of 2019. We’ll be sending out announcements soon to detail different ways that individuals or organizations can get involved – so stay tuned, and drop us a line in the meantime if you have any ideas or questions!

Most of all we are happy that the Sloan Foundation has given a vote of confidence in The Maintainers, and we are grateful for all of support we’ve received from friends, colleagues, and collaborators. We look forward to working with you all even more in the future!

The Return of the Repair Shop: Between Consumerism and Social Reproduction

Today on the Maintainers blog, we're excited to have a post from Valeria Graziano and Kim Trogal on a research project they've recently begun on repair shops. Valeria Graziano is a Research Fellow at the Art and Design Research Centre, Middlesex University, UK and Kim Trogal is a Lecturer in architecture at the Canterbury School of Architecture, University of the Creative Arts, UK.  They have jointly authored the article ‘The Politics of Collective Repair, in Cultural Studies (2017) and are currently editing a special issue of Ephemera called Repair Matters.

We are currently involved in a research project focusing on the emerging phenomenon of new kinds of repair ‘shops’ in various countries across Europe, aiming to compare the transversal practices and political impacts of their different organisational setups.  ‘Repair Shops’ are projects and social enterprises that trade repaired and restored goods from furniture, white goods, to textiles and electronics.  A current burgeoning trend across Europe, they include initiatives like the Remakery in Edinburgh, La ReciCreativa just being launched in Granada (ES); Cittadella dell’Altra Economia hosted in the spaces of the RiMaflow factory (Trezzano sul Naviglio, IT); Ri-generation in Turin (IT) focused on white goods; The Loop repair stores in London, specializing in fixing furniture; and the first mall dedicated to recycled and repaired goods in Sweden, called ReTuna Återbruksgalleria, among others.  Significantly, they are undertaken not purely as businesses, but rather as initiatives that aim to confront the environmental impacts of consumer waste, support ethical and affordable consumerism, alongside aiming to provide new trades and opportunities for employment. Therefore, these are hybrid entities that appear somewhat halfway between charity shops or second hand stores selling repaired goods, and community workshops where different people and organisations come together to learn and share various skills or to collectively repair a variety of household objects. These shops are also different from other recent initiatives that focus on community repair, such as repair cafes and restarter parties. Repair shops exist not in a pop-up format, as a fair or as a regular meeting, but rather as more permanent features of the urban high street. Their permanent spatial dimension allows them to impact their locales at a different level and at a different temporal scale, which we want to explore.

Moreover, Repair Shops are also contributing to a new ‘visibility’ of repair practices in the urban landscape, a characteristic which is in itself to be analysed as a layered and complex phenomenon, as it can both contribute to, or offer some kind of protection from, the widespread gentrification of city centres (Lees, Slater, and Wyly 2007; Brown-Saracino 2013). This visibility or performativity does not come without its own ambivalences however, and we are looking into the ‘diverse economies’ (Gibson-Graham 2008) such spaces implicate, and the level of engagement of different kinds of participants (which vary in terms of their age, race, class, levels of education, income, and lifestyle, to mention a few factors). Secondly, we are interested in exploring the kinds of ‘ecologies of practice’ (Stengers 2013) these spaces are contributing to, in relation to different economies.  The hypothesis we are currently working towards is a co-emergence of two potentially antagonistic circuits of repair (in the expanded sense), which we temporarily label ‘repair as solidarity’ and ‘repair as poor economy’.  By this we mean the differentiation between repair practices that are organised in such ways as to strengthen a different politics of social reproduction and those who remain reactive, re-entrenching existing inequalities through the way they involve participants.  As such, we are interested in the ways that repair practices might ‘fix’ (or not) the shop and contribute to the rethinking of such spaces as a contemporary proposition, which might be working against the pervasiveness of consumption in urban landscapes.  Considered from this perspective, the shop can be unpacked as a significant kind of social space and public space of encounter.  

Historically, some commercial activities and shops have been read by urban geographers and sociologists alike as vital spaces of encounters for neighbors and residents living in an urban locale. Sociologist Ray Oldenburg for instance, described “beer gardens, main streets, pubs, cafés, coffeehouses and post offices” as “third places” (Oldenburg 1989), that is, as privately owned spaces which come to fulfil a public function, as site of sociality outside the home and the workplace. His claim was that by functioning as the meeting grounds for local communities, they contribute to the functioning of a healthy democracy and increase social equality by: offering opportunities of relating with diverse people; providing the opportunity for local political involvement to grow at a grassroots level; and offering access to local networks of mutual aid and psychological care (Oldenburg 1989), which all emphasise the positive potential of such establishments. While we believe it would be equally important to explore the more controversial ways in which such “third spaces” can connote specific registers of economic and social exclusion, we are interested in seeking a traction of Oldenburg’s theories in relation to repair shops, asking to what extent do these Repair Shops constitute a ‘third space’? In examining repair shops, we are specifically interested to find which organisational elements actually contribute to support, or prevent, the outcomes of local initiatives that aim to create circuits of sustainable economies, both in social and in ecological terms.

To what extent might the use of shops for non-commercial uses constitute a useful element in enabling a shift away from consumption and throw-away societies?  The use of shop space for other, non-commercial uses and goals, are not necessarily divorced from their more openly commercial drives. The uses of repair shops for workshops and social events can also be juxtaposed with the ongoing turn in contemporary corporate retail spaces, and especially flagship stores, towards providing ‘experience economy’ environments. These offer customers memorable ‘experiences’ (such as ludic or instructive activities; interactive displays; scripted exchanges with personnel, etc.)  geared toward constructing affective ties with the brand.  This comparison appears particularly timely to bring to the fore as the new wave of community repair shops offering experiences of making, learning and social encounters, are appearing at a time when the retail sector is being discussed as in deep crisis.  This crisis is brought on by the exponential growth of online shopping on the one hand, and by the automation of customer care in the store themselves (e.g. automated cashiers) on the other. Both these processes are reducing the numbers of workers in retail and therefore the claims of the repair stores to provide opportunities of employment must be explored against such broader scenario.  

What makes repair shops an interesting case is these contexts is that their aims and outputs are geared towards the ultimate reduction of consumption and waste, so while they seem to partially align with urban trends of the ‘experience economy’ at the same time they might offer some concrete tools for disrupting it. In the context of the retail crisis, they also offer an interesting perspective on employment and consumption, which can be seen as two aspects of the same cycle the success of each contingent on the other.  Repair Shops here might also offer an interesting trajectory for new kinds of way for making a living, that are tied to more complex notions of livelihood (Gibson-Graham 2006) beyond mere employment.

This sets up a field of tensions that we wish to explore: on the one hand, the various initiatives and stores that we are focusing on have all invested a considerable amount of time in communicating their social goals and values to their constituencies and funders; on the other hand, there is still a need to explore the actual concrete impact of the principles as these projects progress and become more established over time.


Brown-Saracino, Japonica. The Gentrification Debates: a Reader. Routledge, 2013.

Gibson-Graham, Julie and Katherine. A Postcapitalist Politics. University of Minnesota Press, 2006.

Gibson-Graham, Julie and Katherine. "Diverse economies: performative practices forother worlds." Progress in Human Geography 32.5 (2008): 613-632.

Lees, Loretta, Tom Slater, and Elvin Wyly. Gentrification. New York and London: Routledge, 2007.

Oldenburg, Ray. The great good place: Café, coffee shops, community centers, beauty parlors, general stores, bars, hangouts, and how they get you through the day. Paragon House Publishers, 1989.

Stengers, Isabelle. "Introductory notes on an ecology of practices." Cultural Studies Review 11.1 (2013): 183-196.

Messaging Gendered Lessons About Maintenance: Farm Equipment, Domestic Appliances, and University Expertise

One of the issues we have been thinking a lot about in The Maintainers is the creation and diffusion of maintenance best practices, or put another way, *innovation-in-maintenance*. Today, we are re-posting one of our favorite papers from the Maintainers II conference, Amy Sue Bix's "Messaging Gendered Lessons about Maintenance." Bix is the author of Inventing Ourselves Out of Jobs?: America's Debate Over Technological Unemployment, 1929–1981 and Girls Coming to Tech!: A History of American Engineering Education for Women, two books that everyone should be reading given contemporary debates about robot-driven unemployment and women in the tech world. In "Managing Gendered Lessons about Maintenance," Bix shows how Land Grant universities diffused maintenance thinking and practices to ordinary citizens and how thoroughly gendered those lessons were.

Histories of technology have often explored innovation at U.S. universities – early computers developed at Penn, Harvard, and elsewhere; masers at Columbia, new crop varieties, medical devices, and more. That invention focus hides another history, universities’ vital role in teaching, investigating, and promoting maintenance. In particular, maintenance became institutionally essential at land-grant schools, given their mission emphasizing public economic and social well-being. As a case-study, this paper shows the historic significance of maintenance in Iowa State teaching, research, and extension. As broadly true of late-nineteenth and much twentieth-century education, the culture of maintenance expertise displayed a clear gender divide. Principles of education credited both men and women with the ability to master important technical questions, but in distinctly separate spheres of knowledge and work. Given the short time here, I focus on two sets of examples: how Iowa State taught, investigated, and popularized maintenance knowledge for men in farm mechanization, and for women in textile care.

Established in 1858, the Iowa State College of Agricultural and Mechanic Arts expanded under the 1862 Morrill Act. Trustees aimed to train young men as “successful, intelligent and practical farmers and mechanics” and to help young women “acquire by practice a thorough knowledge of the art of conducting a well-regulated household." Under state legislation and 1914’s Smith-Lever Act, the school mounted an increasing range of extension activities targeted to men and women statewide.

Maintenance lessons represented a central component of teaching in Iowa State’s core colleges – agriculture and engineering for men, home-economics for women. Jay Davidson, who headed the Department of Agricultural Engineering for over thirty years, prioritized concrete knowledge and hands-on experience. 1923’s curriculum included “practical farm mechanics,” teaching “use of farm shop tools in repair and maintenance of equipment.” Other courses covered farm carpentry, advanced forge work, plus the ”operation, adjustment, and care” of farm motors, gas engines, tractors, horticultural machines, and dairy equipment. Davidson wrote, “The average undergraduate… cannot expect… to become a skilled mechanic… [but] a fair knowledge of good practice… will enable him to perform many important mechanical operations of the farm.” In his 1920 textbook, Farm Machinery and Farm Motors, Davidson wrote, “Many instances are on record where farmers have kept tools in constant use by good care for more than twice the average life of the machine…. Sentiment ought to be such that the man who does not take good care of his machinery will be placed in the same class as the man who does not take good care of his livestock.” Davidson advised future farmers to protect machinery by painting it, storing it under shelter, and setting up a tagging system to track necessary repairs. He argued that even the smallest farms should invest in a shop, to save time by doing onsite repairs, since ”a delay of a few hours means a loss of many dollars in wasted crops.” Davidson listed thirty tools – saws, chisels, planes, and forging apparatus – that he recommended all farmers own.

Across campus, Iowa State home-ec courses positioned women as intelligent, informed technology users. As I describe elsewhere, female faculty required students to literally take apart refrigerators and stoves, learning to repair wires, replace fuses, and handle kitchen appliances with self-reliant confidence.  My case-study here traces a different home-ec focus, caring for clothing. Louise Peet, Helen Van Zante, and other staff taught students to understand and apply scientifically-based knowledge of laundering textiles. Peet’s multiple-edition text Household Equipment explained the ingredients and action of different detergents, bleaches, and fabric softeners.  It covered solutions for yellowing, graying, and other problems of doing laundry in water with high alkalinity, turbidity, discoloration, dissolved minerals, or pH imbalance. Exercises asked students to “compare lingerie washed and dried by hand to some done in the automatic washer and dryer,” to “set up a method of laundering curtains, drapes, bedspreads, blankets, and rugs,” and to “discuss how to reduce service needs on a washer and dryer.”

In both the ag-engineering and home-ec programs, faculty and grad students conducted extensive research on maintenance issues. For example, a 1960 master’s thesis by Stephen Marley documented multiple equipment failures on an Iowa case-study farm: manure-spreader breakdowns, self-unloading wagons that refused to unload, hay machines that failed to tie bales, and more. For her 1951 home-ec master’s thesis, Velma Williams performed 160 test washes to gauge the effectiveness of rinsing cloth once vs. twice, in hard vs. soft water, and at different temperatures.

Extension programs translated maintenance-related research into terms ordinary Iowans could use. Ag-engineering experts set up state-fair demonstrations, short-courses, and other programs to talk about issues and ideal practices in farm-equipment operation, care, and repair. Outreach by Iowa State home-ec faculty and extension agents included a radio program, “The Homemakers’ Half Hour.” Broadcasts during World War II emphasized the patriotic value of making clothes last “for the duration.” Given the lack of silk stockings, one show advised listeners to make the best of cotton hosiery by learning the best washing and drying techniques. With shortages of elastic, experts told women to use mild soap and lukewarm water in “taking good care of the girdles you have, [to] make them last longer.” Wartime suggestions to “exercise extra care in handling” felt hats advised patting them on, rather than tugging at the brim.

Postwar extension continued praising attention to maintenance as signifying a virtue,  responsibility. A series of 1960s conferences sought “to assist homemakers to increase their knowledge of how to use resources wisely, in application of principles related to clothing care.”  A 1965 two-day “Home Laundry Conference” featured talks on fabric labels, equipment service, and water-quality problems. Announcements promised attendees, “There will be a mountain – well, not quite – of detergents, bleaches, softeners, whiteners and starches… [to] help you decide ‘which is best for me.’” The National Cotton Council and companies such as Sears, Monsanto, and Maytag set up displays, appreciating the publicity opportunity. In a style show for “wash and wear garments,” 4H girls modeled identical blouses, skirts, and jackets, one set new and the other repeatedly worn, “to show [whether] the garments have stood washing well.”

 Speaking at a 1966 “laundry management conference,” Iowa State professor Jane Saddler called for reorienting “thinking in care of clothing.” Americans “expect garments [to] maintain their original size, shape…color and texture,” she said, “but most clothing [is] not purchased with the idea of how to retain appearance.” Too many women “have not developed skill in ironing, nor are they much interested in doing so,” she complained, though conceding that “often garments are so constructed that pressing them is difficult.”  Saddler said that caring for clothes “requires knowledge of the textile – fiber content, yarn, fabric structure, finishes, and how the garment is made. One also needs to know about laundry aids and appliances,” especially as multicomponent fabrics, foam laminates, and flame-retardant material made care harder.

Extension publications represented a resource for Iowans to consult as needed, giving specific steps to remove sweat, oil, ink, paint, rust, mildew, grease, tea, chocolate, blood, lipstick, and more.  One pamphlet advised, “Stains are like some people, they grow stubborn with age… [so] tackle [one] the moment it occurs… Stains are like people in another way; they become contrary if you give them the wrong treatment….  If you pour boiling water through [berry stains], they quickly disappear, but if soap is used, they are… almost impossible.”  Professors Jane Farrell and Sara Kadolph wrote specialized bulletins on preserving wedding gowns and antique quilts. Drawing on ISU research, a 1984 pamphlet on “What to do when clothes are soiled with pesticide” advised double-rinsing, line-drying to avoid contaminating the dryer, and running an empty hot-water cycle to clean the washer before resuming normal use.

Twenty-first-century Iowa State has continued to prioritize maintenance as worthy of attention both inside and outside classrooms. Every spring, the Ag-Systems Tech Club offers routine lawnmower service, and every fall, the same student group changes snowblower sparkplugs, oil, and filters. Such traditions highlight the long history of maintenance as part of land-grant institution service, teaching, and research. Maintenance-related college work both reflected and reasserted gender boundaries; male ag-engineering majors learned to trouble-shoot farm machinery, while female home-ec students learned laundry strategies and clothing care. But though they addressed different audiences, male ag-engineering and female home-ec experts shared key principles. Both groups insisted that the modern pace of technological change made the challenge of maintaining farm and home equipment ever more complex. Both groups viewed questions surrounding maintenance as important enough to deserve sustained scientific study in academic labs. Both groups prioritized translating that knowledge into practical advice, both for undergraduate classes and a state-wide general audience.  Glory, celebratory headlines, and big grant money might increasingly go to biotech, computer advances, and pursuit of other high-profile innovations. Yet from the mid-nineteenth-century to today, land-grant schools such as Iowa State maintained a faith in the study and promotion of maintenance.

Flipping the Script on How We Talk about Maintenance

In The Maintainers, we continue to be interested in companies working in the maintenance and repair space. Over the last few years, we've found a number of interesting young firms that are using digital technologies to transform maintenance practices. Today's blog post is by Jes Ellacott, a writer and content specialist with Fiix, a maintenance management software company that is revolutionizing how thousands of organizations worldwide schedule, organize, and track maintenance. For this piece, she sat down with Marc Castel, CEO of Fiix to understand the disconnect between how most people view maintenance, and the reality of the industry at this point in time.


“The case for maintenance it seems to me is overwhelming,” said Larry Summers, a Harvard economics professor and former Secretary of the Treasury, in a discussion at the Brookings Institute this past January,

He cites the American Society of Civil Engineers, which estimates that poorly maintained roads cost car owners an extra $2.3 billion in the State of Massachusetts alone. This extrapolates to over $100 billion for the United States as a whole.

“It is inconceivable to me that fixing that is not an investment with an extraordinarily high rate of return,” says Summers.

It is inconceivable. And yet, despite knowing that prevention is cheaper and deferred maintenance is a massive debt burden, there is still very little incentive to maintain.

“All of the incentives for all of the actors are against maintenance. Nobody ever named a maintenance project, nobody ever got recognized for a maintenance project, nobody ever got blamed for deferring maintenance during the time while they were in office. And so all of the incentives are to defer maintenance,” says Summers.

We see examples like this again and again. Strikingly few incentives to run maintenance, and a disconnect between failing to maintain something and the repercussions when it finally breaks down.

Professors Andrew Russell and Lee Vinsel of The Maintainers point to an undervaluing of maintenance in favour of shinier, newer innovation as the root cause of this pervasive run-to-failure mentality, and pose one central question: How do we raise the profile of maintenance and maintainers in a world that would much rather replace than repair?

Maintenance has an image problem

Part of the problem comes down to how we talk about maintenance. All too often maintenance is seen as the thing that happens after something breaks, and maintainers are seen only as the people who carry out the repairs—not very much thought is given to all the work it takes to keep everything running.

“Maintenance is the lifeblood of our entire civilization. Everything needs to be maintained, and it takes all kinds of resources to do it. But who’s out on the rooftop shouting about it? Nobody, until the power grid collapses,” says Marc Castel, CEO of Fiix

Castel says that the way to change how we see, value, and reward those that keep our society working is not to pit maintenance against innovation, but to align the two by highlighting how the maintenance industry is leveraging today’s most cutting-edge technology.

He looks to AI as just one example here. In the past, predictive maintenance was based on very thin data and educated guesses. Now, more and more maintenance organizations are leveraging AI to map trends and match patterns to known outcomes, in order to accurately predict failures.

“The maintenance industry has been an early and enthusiastic adopter of AI because the industry generates an insane amount of structured and unstructured data, which is perfect for AI and deep machine learning,” says Castel.

“So instead of saying the maintenance guys are keeping the lights on so my computers can run and do interesting science, we’re actually saying that the interesting science is supporting the maintenance guys in keeping the lights on,” he says.

Suddenly, the antiquated imagery of maintainers is replaced by a new image—that of tech-savvy people using cutting-edge technologies to solve complex data problems, so they can accurately predict failures well before they ever happen. The latter is certainly a more compelling and realistic image in our tech-focused world. It also highlights the potential of predictive and preventive maintenance (rather than painting maintenance as a solely reactive concept) and invites a new breed of maintainers to engage in exciting, well-paid careers that play critical roles in society.

It’s a small tweak, which might seem woefully simple at first. But as Larry Summers pointed out, financial incentives have so far failed to woo policymakers and businesses to the side of prevention. So maybe flipping the script on how we talk about maintenance, and focusing on how maintainers are using today’s most exciting new technologies will be the key to driving home the overwhelming case for maintenance.

A Letter to POTUS on Infrastructure

Today, we are excited to republish something originally posted in January 2017 over at the Strong Towns blog, "A Letter to POTUS on Infrastructure," by Charles Marohn. When we first read Marohn's letter, we found it both shocking and insightful, particularly in describing how the United States' federal system (of federal, state, county, and local governments) currently leads to perverse infrastructure problems. As Marohn writes, "For nearly every American city, the ongoing cost to service, maintain and replace [infrastructure] exceeds not only the available cash flow but the actual wealth that is created." Charles Marohn is an engineer, city planner, and Founder and President of Strong Towns, an organization that advocates for a model of development that allows America's cities, towns and neighborhoods to grow financially strong and resilient. He is the author of Thoughts on Building Strong Towns — Volume 1 and Volume 2 — as well as A World Class Transportation System and the host of the Strong Towns Podcast. Learn more at http://www.strongtowns.org


Dear Mr. President,

I am writing you on behalf of our Board of Directors and our membership regarding a potential surge in federal infrastructure spending. At Strong Towns, we have developed a unique understanding that allows us to speak with a level of clarity on this issue. Our supporters have no financial interest in whether or not more federal money is spent on infrastructure; our mission is to advocate for ways those investments can make our cities stronger.

To borrow a real estate term, America's infrastructure is a non-performing asset. For nearly every American city, the ongoing cost to service, maintain and replace it exceeds not only the available cash flow but the actual wealth that is created.

For example, we did a deep financial study of the city of Lafayette, Louisiana. We found that the city had public infrastructure -- roads, streets, sewer, water, drainage -- with a replacement cost of $32 billion. In comparison, the total tax base of Lafayette is just $16 billion. Imagine building a $250,000 home and needing an additional $500,000 in infrastructure to support it. This seems incredible. But not only is it common, it is the default for cities across America.

This imbalance is caused by incentives we embed in our current approach. When the federal government pays for a new interchange or the extension of utilities, local governments gladly accept that investment. The city, while spending little to no money of their own, has an immediate cash benefit from the jobs, permit fees and added tax base. The only thing the local government must do is promise to maintain the new infrastructure, a bill that won't come due for decades.

Here's the catch: when we look at that bill, our cities almost always can't pay it. Cities never run a return-on-investment analysis that includes replacement costs. Cities never even compute the tax base needed to financially sustain the investment. There's no incentive to do it and every reason not to.

In psychological terms, this is called temporal discounting. The people running local governments, as well as the people they serve, have the natural human tendency to highly value free money today and deeply discount, if not altogether dismiss, the financial burden these projects will create in the future. We've been building infrastructure this way for two generations. We have created a lot of short term growth, but we've also created trillions of dollars of non-performing assets, infrastructure investments that are slowly bankrupting our cities, towns, and neighborhoods.

The fundamental insolvency of our infrastructure investments is the root cause of the pension crisis and the explosion in municipal debt. It is the real reason why our infrastructure is not being maintained. New growth is easy and comes with all kinds of cash incentives. Maintenance is difficult and has little upside. Cities with huge maintenance backlogs still prioritize system expansion because they are chasing the short-term cash benefits of new growth, even at the expense of their future solvency.

What do we do today? To paraphrase former Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, we're going to make investments in infrastructure with the systems we have, not the ones we wish we had. There are ways to get better results now.

  • We need to prioritize maintenance over new capacity. With so many non-performing assets, it's irresponsible to build additional capacity. Project proposers will try to add additional capacity with their maintenance projects. If it is truly warranted, it can and should be funded locally. Cities need to discover ways to turn such investments into positive ROI projects, a process the federal government can only impede.
  • We must prioritize small projects over large. Small projects not only spread the wealth, they have much greater potential for positive returns with far lower risk. Large projects exceed their budgets more often and with greater severity -- dollars and percentage -- than smaller projects. A thousand projects of a million dollars or less have far more financial upside than a single billion-dollar project ever will. It's administratively easier to do fewer, big projects, but that is a bureaucratic temptation we need to overcome.
  • We should spend far more below ground than above. Many of our sewer and water systems are approaching 100 years old. When these core pipes fail, the problems cascade throughout the system. Technology may soon dramatically change how we use our roads and streets making investments in expansion there obsolete, but water and sewer will still flow through pipes as it has for thousands of years. We should spend at least $5 below ground for every $1 we spend above.
  • We should prioritize neighborhoods more than 75 years old. We've modeled hundreds of cities across the country and in every one the neighborhoods with the highest investment potential are the ones that existed before World War II. These are established places where small investments have a huge impact. Most investments in neighborhoods built after World War II are simply bailouts, pouring good money after bad.
  • Small maintenance projects focusing on below ground infrastructure in old, established neighborhoods have the greatest potential for positive returns. These projects will put people to work, create jobs and fix failing infrastructure as well as, if not better than, the large expansion projects currently in the shovel ready backlog. These are also the kind of projects that get private capital off the sidelines and back to work building wealth in our communities. In addition, while we understand that a surge in infrastructure spending is not going to wait for systematic reform, there are some modest -- yet transformative -- reforms we can make as part of this process.
  • Require states and municipalities receiving funds to do accrual accounting. Governments must have a real accounting of their long-term liabilities, including infrastructure, on their balance sheet. The days of fake financial statements that ignore government's long term promises needs to end.
  • Require municipalities to account for infrastructure as an accruing liability instead of a depreciating asset. Cities have an obligation to maintain infrastructure. It's improper to pretend infrastructure is an asset that loses value as it ages. Like pensions, infrastructure is an inter-generational promise that is properly accounted for as a liability.
  • Require project applicants to do a financial return on investment. Many federal programs currently require an ROI analysis, but the emphasis is on non-monetary, social returns. These are fine as secondary criteria, but infrastructure projects need to make financial sense. Municipalities must know what kind of revenue stream is needed to maintain an infrastructure investment over multiple life cycles.

Finally, we believe you should consider the channels through which federal funds are distributed. There is strong evidence to suggest that working directly with mayors to fund local projects creates the greatest potential for innovation as well as the highest fiscal returns. Money given directly to state transportation departments should have a heavy emphasis on maintenance. We would avoid funding counties and other regional entities which, we have found, tend to build the lowest-returning of all infrastructure projects. 

Thank you for your consideration. If we can be of assistance to you or your team in this matter, please do not hesitate to contact me.


Charles L. Marohn, Jr. PE AICP

Professional Engineer, Certified Planner

Founder and President of Strong Towns

"Success as 'Failure': Historians, Engineers, and Maintaining the Erie Canal"

This week, we have been thinking a great deal about the relationship between infrastructure, maintenance, and natural environments and landscapes. The historian of technology Ann Norton Greene told one of our favorite stories about this nexus at the first Maintainers conference in April 2016. Greene's story focuses on the Erie Canal, which was constructed between 1817 and 1825 and runs across the state of New York. As Greene writes, "Most people know what the Erie Canal is, but ask someone if the Canal is still in operation and chances are the answer will be no." In this way, Greene offers a long-view history of the maintenance and use of—and the forming of environments and landscapes around—an iconic infrastructure, which many people don't even realize still exists.

Photograph of Erie Canal

Americans have always been proud of creating new infrastructures, but less enthusiastic
about maintaining them; we are now at a point where most of our national infrastructure is in
trouble. Googling the phrase “infrastructure crisis” produces dozens of results. In 2013, the
American Society of Civil Engineers issued a report card on America’s infrastructure in 2013. In
sixteen categories of infrastructure, grades ranged from one B- (Good) to D- (Poor). Eleven out
of sixteen grades were in the D range, and four were in the C range (Mediocre) for an overall
GPA of D+. As a nation, maintainers we are not.

For those of us who see themselves as “maintainers,” the stakes are high. We cannot get
out of this mess doing the same things that got us into it; for historians, this means being looking
at how historians have written about infrastructure—what they focus on, how they talk about it
and whom they write for—and doing what we can to change it. We often cede the field to
popularizers who emphasize innovation and invention, promote technological determinism, and
marginalize maintaining in American history.

I offer the Erie Canal as an example of how this happens. The Erie Canal is one of the
most successful infrastructures in American history—yet ends up being described as a failure in
the historical literature. How did success become failure?

Most people know what the Erie Canal is, but ask someone if the Canal is still in
operation and chances are the answer will be no. I have posed this question to professional
historians, grad students, undergraduates, relatives, history buffs, casual acquaintances, and,
most recently, my guitar teacher. When I ask why they said no, more often than not they answer,
“because of the railroads.” When I say that the Erie Canal is still in operation, they are surprised,
and sometimes incredulous. “Why?” they ask. “What for? It’s obsolete.” They believe this
because all the literature tells them so.

An overview of Erie Canal history:
The Erie Canal was constructed by the State of New York between Albany on the
Hudson River and Buffalo on Lake Erie. It replaced slow, laborious, and expensive overland
travel with a fast, cheap, and direct water route between the Great Lakes and the Atlantic Ocean.
It provided access to the Ohio River valley and the upper Midwest, opening those regions for
settlement and development. It funneled commerce away from Lake Ontario and Montreal to
New York City, leapfrogging that city ahead of its seaboard rivals in size and importance. It
created an urban industrial swath across upstate New York, accelerated agricultural decline and
industrial growth in New England, and promoted the development of Northern sectional identity
along an east-west axis. The Canal was an immediate financial success, and toll revenue
recouped the cost of construction within twelve years.

In addition to its political and economic effects, the canal in of itself was a spectacular
physical achievement—the original canal was 363 miles long, forty feet wide and four feet deep,
dug with picks, shovels, plows, scrapers, human muscle, and draft animals. It comprised a farflung
infrastructure that included eighty-three locks, eighteen aqueducts, and more than 350
culverts, plus towpaths, feeder canals, canal basins, side cuts, cross bridges, waste weirs, escape
hatches, weigh locks, and some innovative engineering solutions.

Heavy traffic lead to the original Erie Canal being widened, deepened and straightened
during the 1840s and 1850s, and the system expanded with the construction of nine lateral canals
that extended a canal network across upstate New York. This version is called the Enlarged Erie.
In the early 20th century, between 1905 and 1918, the state rebuilt the Erie Canal as a Barge
Canal, larger, deeper, and re-routed to utilize rivers and lakes. It handles both recreational and
commercial traffic, though the latter peaked in the 1970s.

The Erie Canal has been in continuous operation for 191 years, and the vast majority of
the literature addresses the first thirty years. Every year, more new books tell the story of the
Erie’s invention, construction and immediate impact. A quick scan of Library of Congress
holdings shows ten books on the building of the canal in the last five years (many of them for
juveniles—in the way that older technologies get infantilized). In the last ten years there have
been two popular trade histories about the construction of the Erie Canal, Peter Bernstein’s
Wedding of the Waters: The Erie Canal and the Making of a Great Nation (2005) and Gerald T.
Koeppel’s Bond of Union: Building the Erie Canal and the American Empire (2009).
The politics, construction and success of the first Erie Canal make a great story, one that
has all the components of our favorite stories—it has a quest (build an impossible canal) heroes
(young Americans) older wise men (DeWitt Clinton) obstacles and setbacks (money, politics,
natural forces and geography) a higher power (an invincible can-do American spirit of progress)
and happy resolution. It is, in short, Star Wars.

In contrast, there is virtually no literature about the canal after 1860. In the postbellum
period, the “gateway” role of the Erie Canal diminishes, and it drops out of the national narrative.
It becomes a different kind of story. But for most historians, it becomes merely a technological
artifact, a mode of transportation. The Canal then falls victim to what Robert Fogel named “the
hegemony of the railroads” as default explanations of historical change in the nineteenth century.
Historians write that the Canal lost business to the railroads, couldn’t compete, and got put out of
business. The canals, which had been such a good idea earlier in the century, were now a terrible
idea—the Erie Canal represented a sad or foolish adherence to an obsolete technology. Mark
Twain once wrote that the surest way to convey misinformation is to tell the strict truth, and this
applies to saying that the railroads put the Canal out of business. The railroads certainly hurt the
Canal—but it did not necessarily have to hurt the Canal. The relationship between the railroads
and the Erie Canal was complicated, highly contingent, complementary, and surprising. There is
a lack of symmetry in how the Canal and the railroads are viewed. The Canal is described as
corruptly managed, poorly constructed, and poorly maintained—in contrast of course to the
railroads, those paragons of business and engineering virtue.

In short, the maintenance of a far-flung riparian infrastructure composed of several
hundred miles of canal and dozens of small structures, has become a story of failure. Too many
histories promote the value that the flip side of innovation is obsolescence.
The problem is that the politics, construction and success of the first Erie Canal make a
great story, one that has all the components of our favorite stories—it has a quest (build an
impossible canal) heroes (young Americans) older wise men (DeWitt Clinton) obstacles and
setbacks (money, politics, natural forces and geography) a higher power (an invincible can-do
American spirit of progress) and happy resolution. It is, in short, Star Wars. But after the victory
celebration, the Rebel Alliance has got to get down to some serious governing. It is too easy to
come up with images of invention and innovation—the photograph of the driving of the golden
spike in the transcontinental railroad comes to mind. What we need to provide are images of

My image is David Whitford. David Whitford worked as an engineer on the Erie Canal
system from the 1850s into the twentieth century, and he kept a diary every day for most of the
years, so we know something about what he did. He grew up on a farm near Saratoga Springs,
and came to Syracuse in 1852, as a young man in his early twenties, to work in the Canal office
apprenticing on the job. Sometimes he is out in the field, putting down stakes, taking
measurements--of towpaths, bridge abutments, muck, and excavations—and sometimes in the
office calculating the amounts and costs of materials needed. There is a rhythm to it—lots of
fieldwork, followed by days in the office turning field notes and measurements into plans and
estimates. Water, appropriately, is the theme of Whitford’s diaries and the annual reports of the
State Engineer –engineers spend their time trying to keep the right water contained in the Canal,
and the wrong water out of the canal. The work is constant, with projects lasting a long time.
The engineers move around the area a lot. Whitford will leave home early on the train, take a
steamboat up one of the finger lakes, travel by horse and buggy to a site on the Canal, walk back
down the Canal checking the condition of towpath and locks on the way, and catch a ride home
on a freight train.

Whitford’s movements remind me that the Erie Canal system was not just a technological
artifact, but part of an envirotechnical system. The Canal created a new landscape, a new second
nature, and was in complementary relationship with roads and railroads. This suggests to me that
we might want to frame the issue of maintaining by using environmental history methodology
and focusing on preservation of landscapes. Thinking of infrastructures in terms of technology
opens the door to powerful cultural ideas about technology—determinism, “one best way”,
innovation and obsolescence--that all work against maintaining. But people don’t believe that
landscapes become obsolete; Americans get landscape preservation, they don’t see environments in terms of innovation.

My concern is large-scale physical infrastructures, and there are other kinds of
maintaining for which this methodology would not necessarily work—software systems for
example. Which reminds me that we should think about how to keep the concept of
“maintaining” from becoming a simple opposite to “innovation.”

The Reliability Challenge: Maintenance in the Broader Context of High Reliabilty Organizations

Today's blog post is by Paul R. Schulman, a Senior Research Fellow at University of California, Berkeley's Center for Catastrophic Risk Management. Paul originally wrote these ideas in response to Andy Russell's and Lee Vinsel's New York Times op-ed. We found Paul's reflections, which draw on work he and his colleagues have been doing for years, to be really insightful and they have been informing our thinking and wider projects ever since.

Professors Andy Russell and Lee Vinsel raise an important point in their July 22 New York Times Sunday Review article, "Let's Get Excited About Maintenance!" Maintenance attention and financing may indeed be a distant priority in many organizations compared to innovation, with its exciting promise of new services and the achievement of market advantages over competitors.

But undervaluing maintenance is really a piece of a larger problem: a weak commitment to reliability -- in services, in maintenance work itself and, most importantly, in avoiding catastrophic failure in key infrastructures on which we are increasingly dependent. My colleagues and I at the Center for Catastrophic Risk Management at the University of California, Berkeley have been studying lapses in reliability across many organizations for many years. But the undervalue of reliability is not simply a result of the romance of innovation in these organizations. (In fact a number of them are not too excited about innovation either.)

One problem we have seen widely in play is that reliability doesn't have a measurable value in comparison with competing values in modern organizations. Reliability is in essence about the failures and accidents that don't happen. How do you measure that value in comparison with a new building or a new technology that can be seen and that adds something new to capacity, output or sales? It might be argued that prevention of a costly failure is the value of reliability -- the dog that doesn't bark is providing a valuable silence. And, of course people and organizations do buy insurance against a future accident. But insurance does not prevent accidents -- it may even make them more likely in some cases. And insurance payments, over what turn out to be uneventful years, are often retrospectively seen as a wasted investment.

This is one reason why investments in reliability, including preventive maintenance, are often difficult to make in organizations. The careers of executives are not likely to be advanced by their committing organizational funds to prevention. Can they point proudly and claim credit from customers or shareholders for something that didn't happen? Was it guaranteed to happen without those funds; was it absolutely prevented by spending them?

Even regulatory agencies face this dilemma when contemplating approving rate increases in public utilities on behalf of safety. Rarely does the public support higher service rates to reduce the likelihood of an accident. Yet retrospectively, after an accident, the public will condemn the regulator for laxness in its oversight responsibility. Reliability investments, including maintenance, only probabilistically reduce failures and accidents. If one happened, would the public be satisfied that the agency at least delayed the accident or made its occurrence less likely? Ironically post-failure investments in rebuilding, restoring or replacing are far easier to sell because their value added is so much clearer and determinate than that of prevention.

But under-investing in reliability is about more than perverse incentives. There are also cognitive and organizational challenges to enhancing reliability and safety. Cognitively, there are abundant examples in research on accidents, of a root or even proximate cause being that of "representational error" -- the misperception, misunderstanding or mis-specification by people in supervision, maintenance or even among operators of the systems they are working with. This also applied to their appraisal of risk. In a surprising number of accident reports someone in a key position refers to the failure of the system in words to the effect of: "I had no idea it could do that." 

Other major challenges to reliability are organizational. One classic review of a variety of catastrophic accidents by organizational analyst Barry Turner bears the title: "Causes of Disaster: Sloppy Management". Poor communication and poor decision-making processes have been linked to many catastrophic accidents. Further, reliability in service or safety, is becoming less and less a property of single organizations.  Many modern infrastructures and technical systems are really networked systems. Their reliability is no longer under the exclusive control of single organizations -- their management and their operators. Their reliability is dependent upon essential inputs from other organizations, and their service or product outputs are the reliability inputs of downstream organizations. There are now many players among diverse organizations with their own cultures, interests and, often, proprietary information. 

It turns out that we do not really know how to manage well for reliability as an inter-organizational property. We don't even know how to regulate for it. Many regulatory organizations silo regulation among separate divisions and departments based upon separate utilities and the organizations that own them. They are not equipped to understand or regulate interconnected infrastructure risk.

The reliability challenge is widespread in its effects, and there are no simple answers to it. In those few organizations we have studied that have made exceptional commitments to reliability and safety a few things appear in common. First, they are managing or regulating technical systems with such catastrophic potential (nuclear power, nuclear weapons or commercial aviation) that public dread of their failure provides a strong social, political, social and regulatory foundation for high levels of reliability. Secondly, we have observed a distinctive role among key people in a variety of operational and maintenance settings in these organizations. We have come to term them "reliability professionals". These individuals internalize a responsibility for things turning out right, even beyond their official job descriptions. They are generally very good at pattern recognition and in combining formal deductive principles with experiential knowledge. They often follow what psychologist Gary Klein has called "recognition-primed" decision-making, fitting incoming information about a problem into previously experienced situations while at the same time being very sensitive to differences or anomalies in current conditions.  In this way reliability professionals are always on guard against representational error.

Factors such as these help to create and sustain a culture that countervails against laxity and error in organizations, and makes it less likely that people will short change prevention efforts, and more likely that the organizations will make substantial investments in reliability and safety, even if these yield only probabilistic returns.

Professors Russell and Vinsel admirably raise an important issue in citing the lack of excitement and the neglect of maintenance in many organizations. The larger problem of discounting reliability, however, should also be the subject increasing attention and social urgency.

Why Aren’t the Wrenches Turning on Preventive Maintenance?

This week on the blog we are returning to a piece that Tom Arnold delivered at our Maintainers II conference. Tom is the CEO and co-founder of Gridium. Buildings use Gridium software to fine-tune operations, including energy management and maintenance operations. In his talk, Tom taught us something we have never been able to forget: according to Gridium's analysis of hundreds of thousands of building work orders, only about 2% of effort went into preventive maintenance. That is, nearly ALL action was reactive. Tom also offers thoughts about some incentives that encourage this reactive mindset and behavior. We walked away from Tom's talk feeling that, in many organizations, what's needed is a whole new way of looking at things, a cultural shift—a tough task that requires real leadership.

Gridium photograph

2% of the day is for preventive maintenance

Fixing is an essential part in the art of maintenance, but the true goal is to preserve an asset from failure and decline. Drifting off of spec is a nearly gravitational force in mechanical systems, and operators are faced with two choices to get back on track. Bail water and be done quickly, or take some time and improve top-line capacity.

Professor John Sterman at the MIT Sloan School of Management calls this the capability trap, where a building operator needs to constantly balance better-before-worse or worse-before-better tradeoffs. Faced with a diverse collection of mechanical systems slowly drifting off of spec, and needing repair, building operators often find themselves stuck in a trapped cycle. Consumed by running around fixing things, there is little to no time left to invest in capacity improvement, in preventive maintenance.

We see this in the data.

Buildings use Gridium software to fine-tune operations. Two ownership groups–with a combined portfolio spanning 200 buildings–asked us to review their operations data from 208 thousand historical work orders. For every 98 corrective maintenance tickets, a rare two preventive maintenance tickets were completed!

Deferred maintenance compounds at 7% a year

Keeping a building in tip-top shape has a positive effect on profitability. Research shows that preventive maintenance is worth $0.33 a square foot with a return on investment of 545%.

Larry Summers, formerly the United States Treasury Secretary and President of Harvard University, finds that deferred maintenance backlogs compound at 7% a year, and that the U.S. should spend $1 trillion over the next ten years on maintaining current infrastructure assets.

In buildings, where chillers cost about $350,000 to replace, the math is just as stark. Across 200 thousand work orders, the average completion time is 17 days with an average direct cost of $350.  

Most building budgets are wrong

Building operations budgets are getting squeezed: teams are forced to downsize, work harder, and for longer. How much will the building cost? It’s an important question, with an even more important answer.

Stanford University benchmarked its portfolio to develop guidelines for an accurate life cycle cost analysis of its buildings. The guidelines include a review of energy, mechanical, electrical, and structural systems and building envelope and siting/massing factors. Over a 30 year period, we can expect a building to cost nearly as much in maintenance, service, system replacements, and utilities as its initial project cost. In fact, utilities will end up representing about 30% of the total cost of ownership.

These budget variances are particularly conspicuous in our cities’ financial statements. Despite cities in the U.S. spending, on average, $173 per capita–$0.09 per dollar of revenue–on maintaining their public works and physical assets, deferred maintenance budgets are ballooning. The Federal government is carrying a deferred maintenance liability on its property, plant, and equipment of nearly $200 billion, and estimates pin total deferred maintenance in the U.S. at over a trillion dollars.

At the intersection of time and data

The main bait in the capability trap, of needing to choose between better-before-worse or worse-before-better operational paths, is limited time. Research at Texas A&M University shows that facilities managers with easy access to the right data about their buildings systems can reduce work order completion time by 8.7%.

When building operators ask their teams “How can we be more productive, more efficient?” they’ve started on the right path. It’s up to technology firms to have some of the answers for them, and up to all of us to recognize the importance of these questions and understand the costs and paybacks.



Davis, M., and R. Coony, S. Gould, and A. Daly (2005). Guidelines for Life Cycle Cost Analysis. Stanford University Land and Buildings.
Day, J. (1979). World Class Maintenance. Alumax.
Gridium Inc. analysis and research on preventive maintenance software.  
Koo, W. L., and T. Van Hoy (2000). Determining the Economic Value of Preventive Maintenance. Jones Lang LaSalle.
Jawadekar, S. (2012). A Case Study of the Use of BIM and Construction Operations Building Information Exchange (COBie) for Facility Management. Texas A&M University.
Sterman, J. (2013). Stumbling towards Sustainability: Why organizational learning and radical innovation are necessary to build a more sustainable world—but not sufficient. Leading Sustainable Change.
Summers, L. (2017). The case for a proper programme of infrastructure spending. The Financial Times.

Maintenance in progress?

Daan Kolkman recently defended his PhD thesis in sociology at the University of Surrey in the United Kingdom. Currently, he is involved in setting up the Jheronimus Academy of Data Science, a joint project by the Dutch universities of Tilburg and Eindhoven. 


‘If sociologists had the privilege to watch more carefully baboons repairing their constantly decaying social structure, they would have witnessed what incredible cost has been paid when the job is to maintain, for instance, social dominance with nothing at all, just social skills.’ Latour (2005, p. 70)


Those interested in maintenance stress the importance of the work that is necessary just to keep things going. They direct our view from spectacular innovations to the mundane and everyday efforts that often occur out of sight. This represents an exciting alternative lens of inquiry which is very valuable in advancing our understanding of socio-technical systems. In this post, I contend that studies of maintenance should not be restricted to what happens once systems break down, but can also address the initial embedding of new services and products. Such a broader conceptualization of “maintenance” can help highlight, amongst other things, how non-experts are central to the success of even highly technical innovations.

The excerpt above is from “Reassembling the Social”, written by French sociologist Bruno Latour. It introduces the idea of decay as the status quo. Left undisturbed, a hot cup of coffee and the room it sits in will become the same temperature. Without any outside intervention, this process is irreversible. The coffee never spontaneously heats up, just as the social standing of a shunned baboon never recovers without struggle; energy and effort are expended to restore temperature and renew relationships. Once we accept decay as an inescapable fact of live, it becomes hard to overlook just how important maintenance is.

Maintenance, however, is not only necessary once things cease to work or break down. Rather, the mundane activities of maintenance are what make most things function to begin with -it is the very stuff our society is made of. It is only after the efficiency of the steam engine was improved, the operating costs were reduced, that the technology was mature enough to facilitate commercial exploitation. It was not the initial technological feat of the steam engine itself, but its subsequent societal embedding as a steamboat that made it successful.

Over the past three years, I have studied this process of embedding. More specifically, I focused on the adoption and use of computer models in government. Despite the quite narrow focus of that study, it offers insights that may be useful beyond the domain of information systems.

First, a bit of background. Computer models represent a special class of information systems. They can be defined as a collection of algorithms that someone can use to learn about some societal system. Examples of such systems include the climate, the economy or the housing market. Although the use of computer models in government is hardly new, recent years have seen a sharp rise of interest in using models to inform the policy making process. This should not be surprising, given the impressive accomplishments of machine learning in particular, and data science more generally.

However, scholars that develop computer models have observed a gap in the potential usefulness of computer models and their actual use in practice. Why are organizations failing to make use of these new, exciting, and powerful tools? In answering that question I spent a fair chunk of my time reading the academic literature and engaging with other scholars. However, I also directed my efforts towards studying eight cases of model adoption and use in the Netherlands and the United Kingdom. I developed a clear picture of each case by reading computer model specifications, interviewing policy analysts, using the computer models myself and, yes, observing people developing and using these models in practice. This allowed me to inquire into and to some degree experience first hand how the process of embedding unfolds in practice. What is it that the people that develop, use and interpret these computer models do?

Sure, part of the work they engage in is technical. The development of a computer model involves at the very least some data collection, data wrangling and programming. Once a working version of a model is completed, it will be validated against historical data, subjected to sensitivity analysis or other tests, before it used in the first place. Work on a computer model tends to be ongoing and iterative in nature, it is regularly updated to incorporate new data or theoretical insights. This also involves some technical maintenance work like version control, error-checking, a system for raising and processing support tickets, etcetera.

However, one of the key findings of this study is the surprisingly large amount of time that goes into embedding computer models in an organization. Although the skilled technical work required for making computer models should not be underestimated, much more effort is directed towards activities that you will not find in any modeling or data science textbook.

While amongst experts, computer models may serve as a vehicle for open discussion and structure debate, this breaks down in contexts where non-experts are involved. To them, computer models may be virtually incomprehensible and operate more like black boxes. In order for computer models to be effective in informing the policy making process, they have to be understood, trusted and relevant to experts and non-experts alike. This presents a challenge especially because since computer models are technical and the intended user-base may neither have the required technical knowhow, nor the time (and perhaps patience) to develop the required skills.

A conceptual model of air quality (Gamas et al.    , 2015)

A conceptual model of air quality (Gamas et al., 2015)

 As a consequence, experts have to invest time to explain their model in simple terms to a non-expert user-base. Their efforts may include more formal activities, like drafting presentations, creating model documentation and model tutorials, and organizing events like training sessions. Often these will include some visual representation of the model's mechanics, like the above sketch of an air quality model. In more informal, direct interaction with non-expert users, experts attempt to explain the mechanics of the model in plain English and respond to questions that are posed by these users. Over time, non-experts may develop a basic understanding of the computer model.

This understanding in itself is not enough, since non-experts have to be convinced of the credibility of a computer model. Although experts amongst themselves may use the outcomes of analysis to ascertain and communicate the quality of a model, the outcome of, say, a sensitivity analysis may mean little to those with no statistical training. In effect, experts have to resort to other ways of demonstrating the quality of a computer model. For example, they may use historical data to illustrate the model's predictive capacity or open-source the model to convey confidence. Non-expert users may evaluate the model in relation to information from other sources, like media outlets, trusted agencies or other models. Especially when a model present a less favorable outcome in comparison, users are likely to resist adoption and challenge its use.

It is only after plenty of users have a basic understanding of the model, what it can give them and no longer contest its validity that it can begin to inform decision making. This, again, is no trivial matter. Users will have existing ways of informing policymaking and the model may not easily fit within their existing working practice. For instance, policymaking can move quite fast at times and in order to accommodate this a model has to have a decent runtime and facilitate visualizations. Considering the ever-changing scope of the political agenda, the model has to be flexible enough to incorporate new thinking.

What lessons can to be learned from this research on models for the study of maintenance and innovation more generally? First and foremost, it demonstrates that the everyday and mundane activities that are associated with maintenance take place not only in order to fix something once it has broken down. Rather, such activities are engaged in on an ongoing basis and form the very foundation of what it is that makes an innovation useful. The process of initial embedding requires considerable effort and determines whether an innovation will succeed or not. Even for very high-tech innovations, the non-technical efforts may be as – if not more – important than the technical work in facilitating this embedding. By conceptualizing maintenance in a broader sense, we can begin to understand not only the work required for things to remain operational, but also the large amount of non-technical work that goes into making innovations work in the first place.



Gamas, J., Dodder, R., Loughlin, D., & Gage, C. (2015). Role of future scenarios in understanding deep uncertainty in long-term air quality management. Journal of the Air & Waste Management Association, 65(11), 1327-13.


Latour, B. (2005). Reassembling the social-an introduction to actor-network-theory. Reassembling the Social-An Introduction to Actor-Network-Theory, by Bruno Latour, pp. 316. Foreword by Bruno Latour. Oxford University Press, Sep 2005.